In another thread within this group, John McCreery has labeled "alternative ethnographies" as a potential topic for discussion:
But so is another that I have tentatively labeled "Alternative Ethnographies," thinking of work like Sutherland and Denny's Doing Anthropology in Consumer Research, Tom Boelstroff's Coming of Age in Second Life , Chris Kelty's Two Bits about the free and open software movement, my own Japanese Consumer Behavior: From Worker Bees to Wary Shoppers and my current project: "Winners' Circles: SNA-Driven ethnography of award-winning creative teams in Japan." Here the common thread is the authors' grappling with how to adapt ethnography to the opportunities and challenges of a world very different from that in which Malinowski or Boas defined our primordial model.
There's room for a lot of discussion about current approaches to ethnography, the potential for ethnographic research in the future, and the embedding of ethnographers in movements for social change.

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John McCreery said:
Isn't a big part of the problem that we know longer have a consensus on what "real" ethnography is? Or, alternatively, waste too much time on essentializing arguments about what it "should be"?
I'd go with the latter. Those people who are so vocal about what ethnography isn't may not have that clear an idea of what ethnography should be, but they do seem to think that there's a clear distinction between real ethnography and some facsimile. The cynic in me would argue that some of it is simple posturing or turf wars. No disrespect to those who say these things. Actually, there might actually be a set of reactions coming from annoyance at being compared to work which is only ethnographic by borrowing methodology and doesn't participate in the ethnographic approach.
This isn't just a sneaky way to bring back the idea that ethnography is an approach. I do think there's accumulated frustration among some groups of ethnographers with the use of ethnographic tools which doesn't really contribute to ethnographic scholarship generally. More than simply feeling like other people are "stealing our stuff," there might be a genuine sense that we're losing track of what ethnography is all about.

We know that, on the one hand, we have the Malinowskian prototype: a year or more living in a single place where the ethnographer starts out not knowing the language and having a professional commitment to non-judgmental observation of what he observes. On the other we have research that is now often short-term, multi-sited, and conducted by native anthropologists who start out with language competence . . .
This is probably where our perspectives differ the most, in this discussion. (And, yes, I'm looking forward to a broader discussion.) Though the Malinowskian prototype is still taught to a large number of cultural anthropologists, I don't perceive it as the basis for comparing ethnographic models. It's still relevant, but I'm not that sure that it's what most people compare ethnographic projects to.
I don't necessarily want to play the "junior" card but I guess it might have to do with the fact that I began my training in ethnographic disciplines after the onset of the Crisis of Representation. As a freshman in anthropology, I was already hearing a fair deal of criticism of the Malinowskian model. Another factor is that we weren't necessarily reading that many of those classic ethnographic monographs. UdeM's anthro dept. was much more oriented toward "theory" (including Bourdieu, Bateson, Durkheim, Radcliffe-Brown...) than toward the ethnographic canon, at least in lecture courses. Ethnographies we were reading were more likely tied to a specific topic than with a perceived need to know the Classics. In fact, I still haven't read Argonauts...
All this to say: maybe my perspective is skewed, but I'm not sure that "alternative ethnographies" are alternatives to the Bronislaw case.
Even the "real ethnography" notion is excluded from this distinction in that it tends to be about whether or not the researcher has training in cultural anthropology. At least, that's what I understood Aviva Rosenstein's UR presentation to be about.
Cultural anthropologists want you to know that you’re probably not doing “real ethnography” in design research
And there are several anthropologists who use disciplinary boundaries to draw those distinctions.

In practice, we must situate ourselves in relation to the actual situations in which we find ourselves.
Agreed!
I interpret this to be about the flexibility afforded ethnography as an approach. Similar to «bricolage» (à la Lévi-Strauss) but also providing the basis for ethnography as an alternative to other approaches. It's more than just being pragmatic. It's a different way to conceive of cultural phenomena.

What we might be able to do better than competitors with different kinds of training in a particular context is a useful discussion.
We also need to discuss with these people, whether or not they might be competitors. After all, it's not about "Ethnographers vs. The World."
Right?
Alexandre writes,

Even the "real ethnography" notion is excluded from this distinction in that it tends to be about whether or not the researcher has training in cultural anthropology.

That's pretty obvious. Who besides anthropologists worried about maintaining disciplinary boundaries gives a rat's ass about defining "real" ethnography? But if Malinowski isn't the prototype, who or what is? I'd be really curious to know how other people answer if asked, "Can you give me an example?"

P.S. When Alexandre mentions not having read Argonauts of the Western Pacific, I find myself both amused and bemused. It wasn't until three decades after graduate school that I got around to reading the real stuff: the two volumes of Coral Gardens and Their Magic and The Sexual Life of Savages. Us sluggards these days think we've done ethnography if we've gathered enough material for a short paper. M produced a library! And it's filled with incredible detail that allows theorists of virtually any persuasion to find relevant data -- if, that is, they bother to look.
John McCreery said:
That's pretty obvious. Who besides anthropologists worried about maintaining disciplinary boundaries gives a rat's ass about defining "real" ethnography?
Folklorists, ethnomusicologists, microhistorians, sociologists, philologists, market researchers, social anthropologists, geographers, demographers...

But if Malinowski isn't the prototype, who or what is? I'd be really curious to know how other people answer if asked, "Can you give me an example?"
Wilhelm von Humboldt, Ibn Battuta, Wilheim and Jakob Grimm, Evans-Pritchard, Béla Bartók, Marcel Griaule, William Jones, Constantin Brăiloiu, Henry Glassie...
Lucjan Malinowski wasn't the only one to write things like "Listy z podrózy etnograficznej po Śląsku." (The reason I keep mentioning Lucjan is that we tend to perceive his son to have "invented ethnography from scratch.")
The OED uses a quote from 1834 about German usage as among the earliest references to "ethnography." But "ethnographie" is found in the early 1700s.

P.S. When Alexandre mentions not having read Argonauts of the Western Pacific, I find myself both amused and bemused. It wasn't until three decades after graduate school that I got around to reading the real stuff: the two volumes of Coral Gardens and Their Magic and The Sexual Life of Savages. Us sluggards these days think we've done ethnography if we've gathered enough material for a short paper. M produced a library! And it's filled with incredible detail that allows theorists of virtually any persuasion to find relevant data -- if, that is, they bother to look.
I do bother to "look," but mostly through dialogue and collaboration. So many people have read BM that it's relatively easy to get much of the insight from his work by working with other people. Yes, it's "second-hand," but we can always go back to the source.
In the case of so many other scholars, the number of people having read their work is so small that engaging in it does a lot to expand scholarship.
As you can guess, I'm not one for "canons." In fact, it might be a common attitude among French-speaking academics to distrust canonical works.
Alexandre Enkerli said:

Folklorists, ethnomusicologists, microhistorians, sociologists, philologists, market researchers, social anthropologists, geographers, demographers...

Didn't ask about who may be doing ethnography. Asked who would give a rat's ass about whether it was "real" ethnography. I have yet to meet anyone doing anyone but anthropologists who engage in this debate. They just do what they do and call it ethnography; they don't get proprietary about it. They don't have a dog in this race.

Wilhelm von Humboldt, Ibn Battuta, Wilheim and Jakob Grimm, Evans-Pritchard, Béla Bartók, Marcel Griaule, William Jones, Constantin Brăiloiu, Henry Glassie...

Great list. Now please articulate the model they provide. Over and above, say, "collect weird stuff that most people don't know about and write something interesting about it." Not a rhetorical question, this; if that is all anthropologists do, we have no distinguishable discipline.

Lucjan Malinowski wasn't the only one to write things like "Listy z podrózy etnograficznej po Śląsku." (The reason I keep mentioning Lucjan is that we tend to perceive his son to have "invented ethnography from scratch.") The OED uses a quote from 1834 about German usage as among the earliest references to "ethnography." But "ethnographie" is found in the early 1700s.

Interesting historical facts. But to borrow a nice distinction from the late, great Joseph Levenson (Confucian China and Its Modern Fate), what makes them of historic instead of "merely historical" significance.


As you can guess, I'm not one for "canons." In fact, it might be a common attitude among French-speaking academics to distrust canonical works.

My own discovery of of the scale of the Malinowski corpus had nothing to do with "canons." In graduate school I read the then obligatory Argonauts and Magic, Science and Religion and dissed Malinowski the way everyone else did as the ancestor of the less-interesting of the two functionalisms (the other being structural-functionalism a la Radcliffe-Brown). Then one day I set out to write a paper, "Malinowski, Magic and Advertising," later published as a chapter in John Sherry's Contemporary Marketing and Consumer Behavior: An Anthropological Sourcebook. Being an old-fashioned kind of guy, I thought that I was supposed to look at everything a scholar wrote on a topic before assessing his work. That's what brought me to Coral Gardens and Their Magic and The Sexual Life of Savages. What I discovered was partly obvious; Malinowski was a man of his times and his education. What I also discovered was that his fame as an ethnographer is not overrated. The man was a superb observer and a meticulous honest reporter who provides mountains of data that are so well contextualized that they will continue to be valuable when his theories are dead as phlogiston -- and the theories are not nearly as shoddy as their straw man reconstructions in secondary sources make them out to be. Those who rely on those secondary sources are, well, like "ethnographers," who don't know languages very well, are sloppy observers, and use "theory" as cookie-cutters to make the cheap stuff they produce look cool. Sorry if that sounds harsh. I've worked in advertising too long not to have a good nose for merde.
John McCreery said:
I have yet to meet anyone doing anyone but anthropologists who engage in this debate.
Talked to a folklorist, recently? Some of them feel that anthropologists are borrowing ethnography from them. Sure, folkloristics isn't huge in most English-speaking contexts (though I hear it's quite significant in Ireland where some ethnographers view it more highly than anthropology). But it's quite prominent in different parts of Europe and South America.
Also, Aviva Rosenstein is talking very precisely about this. She seems to care a good deal about the issue and does participate in the debate, if we pay attention.

This all sounds like Quebeckers going to Acadia (or French people coming to Quebec) and saying: "If it weren't for us, you wouldn't exist." People don't tend to react very well to such statements. In fact, it tends to force people to use the "we were there first" arguments (which are often accurate even, it seems, in the case of Quebeckers speaking French before most people in the Kingdom of France). Certainly not the most efficient way to stimulate thoughtful discussion, let alone useful debate.

They just do what they do and call it ethnography
Doesn't seem like an accurate statement about what ethnomusicologists do.

Ethnographic models from the researchers I named vary greatly. True, at a methodological level these models tend to revolve around collecting. But there are many ways to collect data for research. Defining ethnography methodologically doesn't seem to be very efficient.
As for "all that anthropologists do," we probably shouldn't forget that archaeologists and biological anthropologists aren't typically fieldworkers.
And the question of having a "distinguishable discipline" seems relatively unimportant, in the grand scheme of things. In fact, it might contribute to the "distraction," preventing us from having the debate we should be having with colleagues from different disciplinary horizons.

In terms of ethnography's historical significance, my point is that we're limiting ourselves too much. It's a bit as if we were assessing the historical significance of deductive methods through the lens of physics, under the pretense that Galileo and Copernicus were the only people who made a mark in the history of modern science.
Going back to folkloristics and philology: these disciplines provided much of the historical context for ethnography. Sure, anthropology was born out of the colonial entreprise. But other ethnographic disciplines were embedded in nationalism. We often tend to forget what we owe Herder.

My own discovery of of the scale of the Malinowski corpus had nothing to do with "canons."
Nothing?

In graduate school I read the then obligatory Argonauts and Magic, Science and Religion and dissed Malinowski the way everyone else did as the ancestor of the less-interesting of the two functionalisms (the other being structural-functionalism a la Radcliffe-Brown).
Sounds like you were exposed to it as part of the canon.
I read Mauss and Durkheim in much the same way.

Being an old-fashioned kind of guy, I thought that I was supposed to look at everything a scholar wrote on a topic before assessing his work.
Assessing somebody's work by yourself does sound a bit old-fashioned.

The man was a superb observer and a meticulous honest reporter who provides mountains of data that are so well contextualized that they will continue to be valuable when his theories are dead as phlogiston -- and the theories are not nearly as shoddy as their straw man reconstructions in secondary sources make them out to be.
Had much of the same reaction to Boas as a folklorist and to Sapir as a linguist. We know of their work but few people bother to look.
Malinowski isn't an uninteresting character and his reputation is probably well-deserved. But he's not the only key figure in the development of the ethnographic approach.

Those who rely on those secondary sources
Who talked about relying? Aren't researchers supposed not to rely on any specific source?
Sorry, Alexandre. You are still floundering. I haven't denied that other people could claim that they do ethnography or that some, e.g., the folklorists might claim they were doing it before the anthropologists did. I do not doubt that you are right in what you say, that folklorists and ethnomusicologists might worry about boundary issues. If anything they are smaller academic minorities than the anthropologists and these turf wars may be important to them.

But... you still haven't met the challenge. Waving around names like Boas and Sapir is just blowing smoke unless you can spell out the alternative model they represent compared to Malinowski. If you could do that we might have a real discussion, e.g., concerning the relationship between Malinowskian ethnography with relatively intact societies kept that way by colonial indirect rule and Boasian ethnography with repeated trips to talk about the way it used to be with survivors of shattered societies moved to reservations after losing colonial wars. We might then ask what either model has to do with what folks like Denny and Sutherland, Kelty or Boestorff are up to. But you haven't done that yet, i.e., tell us what you think this other ethnography amounted to. Ball is in your court.
I didn't choose to take the challenge because the issues about which I'm thinking are branching out from the stricter discussion of "deviation from the Malinowskian norm."
In fact, after posting that previous message, I've been taking notes on several issues that I think are germane to this forum thread, including some which do have to do with the "Malinowski the folk hero."
As I'm preparing for the Fall semester, these issues do take a special character. And I think this kind of discussion is quite fitting in such a forum. Hopefully, it might even bring in other people. Eventually.

John talks about the ball being in my camp. In terms of burden of proof, I'm not sure that'd be so accurate. A specific issue seems to emerge from this dialogue: that Malinowski might be the standard through which "people" assess ethnographies. I'm not really trying to disprove this. I'm mostly saying that the "people" in question relates mostly to English-speaking cultural anthropology. There are plenty of other ethnographers out there and I so happen to be at the periphery of that group (as a French-speaking linguistic anthropologist, ethnomusicologist, etc.).

Another reason I didn't specifically answer that question is that I do think that these other figures represent diverse models for ethnography. Not merely for ethnographic fieldwork method, but for the epistemological basis for ethnography. John may disagree with me on this, but I wouldn't reduce everybody else's work to a unified "alternative" model or even to a small set of "prototypical" models. My point is that models are diverse and that they eventually converged in different configurations over the portion of the academic research landscape surrounding the ethnographic approach. Describing distinct models goes against this very notion. In other words, John's question appears as a leading question.

In a way, I probably should have gone explicitly against the idea that there is, indeed, a prototype for ethnography. Instead, I tried to get us all to think about the notion that there might be a diversity of models, therefore invalidating the notion of a prototype. John gave me the opportunity to do so with the "give me an example" prompt. I can give examples, I could even discuss how some of these examples vary and what contributions they make to a broader discussion, if we had much more time and focus. But I won't name a prototype because I think (nay, hope!) that there isn't one.

Furthermore, my impression was that the alternative character of ethnographic models was already defined, including by John's referral to the Malinowskian stereo... prototype.
So, to reiterate...
John McCreery said:
We know that, on the one hand, we have the Malinowskian prototype: a year or more living in a single place where the ethnographer starts out not knowing the language and having a professional commitment to non-judgmental observation of what he observes. On the other we have research that is now often short-term, multi-sited, and conducted by native anthropologists who start out with language competence and -- we must add -- unavoidable --often deliberately cultivated if they are political -- biases about what they are observing.
A bit restrictive, but we can still start from that.
The main point there isn't that there are two models (the Malinowskian prototype and "current research") but that we have a set of paramaters with which to work.
* Length of stay
* Local scope
* Language knowledge
* Nature of profession
* Observational attitude
* Origin of bias
* Researcher's identity

Not an irrelevant list, especially if we think about social science in general. And, since we already know that there's a wide range of possibilities for ethnographic field research to be conducted with regards to these parameters, it seems that the values assigned to these parameters has little to do with defining ethnography.
Now, because John insists, I may think back to some of the examples I gave. Again, not prototypes or even models for a general group of scholars. But examples. Names of people whose research, in one way or another, differs from the Malinowskian "prototype" yet people who, I propose, had some relationship to ethnography, either as precursors or as practitioners.
Several names are easily associated with John's description of what is frequently the case in current research. We could lump them all together as "native ethnographers," but it somehow sounds strangely limiting. Was Béla Bartók working under the same model as do, say, people described by Takami Kuwayama?
Then, I can go back to Papa Lucjan. I'm not sure how distinct his own dialect was from the Silesian dialects he studied, but I don't think he really fits the "native" criteria. Fabian was talking about him in the context of Habsburg ethnography and I'd be very interested to know more about that connection. From what I gather, it all sounds more like notions of "ethnicity" from Tanzanian or Chinese governments than like current notions of cultural diversity.
Henry Glassie's case is possibly the closest to the Malinowskian case, in the mix, apart from the fact that much of his work has been conducted in English (AFAICT; I should ask him about this). He clearly doesn't consider himself an anthropologist and he's very clearly an ethnographer. I wish he'd feel inclined to participate in this discussion. Maybe he'd dismiss it, but it could make for a rather interesting conversation.
Other scholars I enumerated are either associated with "armchair research" or have done field research for purposes quite distinct from those set by the ethnographic monograph. In that sense, they may sound like non-ethnographers. But I do perceive them as proto-ethnographers and I'd be interested in learning more about how much attention Malinowski has given them, explicitly or silently. My sense is that they represent a parallel track in the development of the ethnographic approach from the Malinowskian genealogy, but I could be wrong. It's quite possible that Malinowski was conscious of contributing to work associated with, say, German nationalists. In this case, I'm genuinely interested in what a Malinowski scholar has to say about Bronislaw's "inspirations." But I don't have the time nor the inclination to dig this up. It's mostly a point of curiosity, for me. I don't have anything against Bronislaw, but I'm not that fascinated by him either.
As I stated, there's a tendency to present BM as if he had "invented ethnography from scratch." I recently watched (on YouTube) a BBC documentary about the dude which had much of that tenor. I find many problems with that perspective. And not just because I'm fascinated by the history of ideas.

So... It would be possible to build a taxonomy of scholars in terms of the models for which they can be used as representatives. As most taxonomies, it'd be quite unsatisfying but heuristically significant. As most characterizations, it'd be rather reductive.

Through this BM-obsessed train of thought, I keep thinking about the "father of modern X" statements.
In some cases, it works relatively well. In linguistics, for instance, it seems quite easy to use the character of Saussure as a pivot between philology and modern linguistics. Of course, it evacuates a large number of issues, not least of which is the fact that the core text comes as much, if not more, from Bally as from FdS. But it's still relatively easy to "date" the shift. And it clearly was a paradigm shift!
I mentioned physics, but it's worth noting again. The narrative there is fairly clear, especially if we build up the Brahe and Galilei prologue.
North American anthropology isn't that hard to assign paternity to, given the administrative and even political aspects Boas's career. There was interesting discussion about this during the AAA's centenary and I know that it's still quite problematic an assignment. But probably not much more so than the other paternity tests.
Now, ethnography. Is BM the "father or modern ethnography?" Reading some people, it sounds like it. It's as if pre-Malinowski ethnography were "pre-modern" and BM laid down the basis for all the work which has been done afterwards and can be called "ethnography." I wouldn't have too much trouble with such a statement if it were about English-speaking anthropological ethnography. It could still be recontextualized, like Copernicus, Saussure, and Boas. But it'd make sense in terms of what has happened in most English-speaking anthropology departments (and related contexts, including a big portion of the department in which I received much of my early training).
And I can expect the question: what difference is there between English-speaking anthropology and other branches of the ethnography tree? Mainly: length of stay, with the correlate that research is conducted in a site which is geographically and culturally distant from the ethnographer's "home."
And this is where we go back to the "alternative." If we perceive BM to be the prototype for all ethnography, of course short-term ethnographic field research looks like a deviation, especially if it's multi-sited, longitudinal, done by a team of researchers, involves a significant contribution from local scholars, involves no culture shock or homesickness, pays more than lipservice to intersubjectivity, isn't set in the "ethnographic present," has distinct goals from the ethnographic monograph, is clearly anti-positivistic, etc.
I just can't help but think about attitudes toward sacred texts and scriptures, especially the (simplified) distinction between Protestants and Catholics and especially from the point of view of a non-Anglo. As a North American, I keep hearing that the distinction is between reading the Bible yourself or assigning that responsibility to a priest. But defining Catholicism by refusal of the Martin Luther paradigm seems to me as limiting as defining the Protestant Work Ethic as a lack of fun.
Defining ethnography through BM's Word is a foreign practise, to me. Maybe I'm not a real ethnographer, then.
Ah, well...

John McCreery said:
I haven't denied that other people could claim that they do ethnography or that some, e.g., the folklorists might claim they were doing it before the anthropologists did. I do not doubt that you are right in what you say, that folklorists and ethnomusicologists might worry about boundary issues. If anything they are smaller academic minorities than the anthropologists and these turf wars may be important to them.
John did say that: "they don't get proprietary about it. They don't have a dog in this race." I disagree with these two statements based on my own experience and I care about this issue because I care about anthropology's "sense of ownership."
Not only do folklorists and ethnomusicologists "worry" about this. Some of them do get very proprietary about this. And given the kind of "short-term, multi-sited ethnographic field research done by native speakers of the language" which serves as a basis for much current work in ethnography, it seems that folklorists, at the very least, have a few dogs in that "race."
I don't disagree, in principle, on the "smaller academic minorities" point. I'm not sure what the true implications are of this minority status. But given academic ethnography's marginality, I'd say it's a point worth exploring further.
In fact, anthroplogists' behaviours that I find tend to exclude ethnographers from other academic horizons could be interpreted in part through academia's topography. In academia, anthropologists are a minority; ethnographic anthropologists are a majority within that minority; many ethnographers outside of anthropology constitute minorities in their home disciplines; and those disciplines which are almost completely ethnographic are at the margins of academia. Condescension is rather unsurprising in such a context. The result is what Aviva Rosenstein described and what I have decried.

BTW, on Boas... I don't idolize him and I don't think of him as the "prototypical" fieldworker. I mentioned his role as a father figure for North American anthropology with much criticism in mind (NAm anthropology could be less kludgy if it hadn't been for Boas's role). Butthe guy did have an interesting position in the development of the ethnographic approach. Between Sapir and him, we can see the conceptual connections with a wide range of folklorists, geographers, philologists, and philosophers.
The notion of a distinction between "relatively intact" and "shattered" societies is quite intriguing and it does seem to fit to a dominant narrative in some contemporary circles of social sciences. I'm really not that clear on how this distinction, if it really is that clear-cut and unproblematic, helps us think about the implications of diverse models of ethnography. But I'm willing to go there.

Further on Boas and Malinowski. Funny that master narratives for either of them include the notion of an epiphany moment while being stranded in a foreign population. Lévi-Strauss's Tristes Tropiques contains a variant of that trope. As a folklorist, I'd be tempted to add it to Thompson's Motif Index of Folk Literature. Which, in turn, might tempt me to add anthropology's master narratives to a fourth revision of Aarne and Thompson's "tale type index." Not sure who the prince may be.

As for Sunderland and Denny, my impression while reading the book a few months ago was that their approach was ethnographic in a broader way, taking some elements from diverse branches in the development of the ethnographic approach. (It's also very semiotic and I have yet to understand why semiotics and ethnography go so well together.) In Denny and Sunderland's case, as in just about any current ethnographer's case, it's very difficult if not impossible to pinpoint a "prototype." Which goes back to my answer on "alternatives to Malinowski": is there really that significant a group of ethnographers who are doing Malinowskian research in the strictest sense possible? Is anyone who doesn't do Malinowskian ethnography merely adding something which is external to ethnography or is it possible that at least some of these "alternatives" are actually ethnographic to begin with?

My notes will probably have to wait for another thread. But I really wish this group attracted more discussion.
The main point there isn't that there are two models (the Malinowskian prototype and "current research") but that we have a set of paramaters with which to work. * Length of stay
* Local scope
* Language knowledge
* Nature of profession
* Observational attitude
* Origin of bias
* Researcher's identity

Seems like a good place to re-start. But we do need to ask ourselves where our primary interest lies, (1) in the history of anthropology and related disciplines, (2) in the epistemological issue of how ethnographers can justify their knowledge claims, or (3) the pragmatic issue of how to position and sell ethnography in academic and other job markets. How shall we proceed?

P.S. I am now in Cambridge, MA, where my primary role is Grandfather and childcare provider while daughter Kate settles into her public policy program at the Kennedy School at Harvard and son-in-law Pat looks for a job. Thus, my contributions may be somewhat sporadic.

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