My research has clearly shown that high levels of engagement, and the associated discretionary effort, occur when our work experiences reflect a clear set of values that we share. For many today, meaning is the new money. It's what people are looking for at work. Clear company values, translated into the day-to-day work experience, are one of the strongest drivers of an engaged workforce, one primed for successful collaboration.Now if that doesn't convince you read, or at least skim, the article I don't know what will!
The great Russian revolutionary Lenin said there’s never a really hopeless situation for capitalism as long as workers allow it to survive.So the only real guarantee of escaping crises like this one is to get rid of capitalism altogether. That may not be a bad idea, but it also may not be necessary. Callinicos seems to adhere to Marx to understand what Capitalism is... but you should also understand that Marx himself did not really see capitalism as a horrible system. Faulty, to be sure, but not without its merits.
Sooner or later the system can recover from any crisis. It would be difficult for it to return to the pattern of the recent past, as the financial system has been seriously weakened.
While the slump continues, it’s important to see that it’s uneven. One section of the system, the historical core in North America and most of Europe, is still quite depressed.
But if we look at China and the economies associated with it, which include Germany and Brazil, they are growing quite quickly.
This reflects the way in which the Chinese state threw everything into preventing a protracted economic slump.
The fact that this bit of the system is growing is a further destabilising factor, however.
It produces tensions between the US as the dominant capitalist power, and China—increasingly seen as the major challenger. That makes it harder to manage capitalism.
But even if they do find a way of muddling through, what produced the crisis was the logic of capitalism and the system—a system that is driven by blind competition in pursuit of profit.
That system will continue to produce crises and continue to try to solve them at the expense of working people and the poor.
Companies need to take up the cause of a new way of working.What energies people -- what meets their needs is to give them meaning, to energize them with a goal, exactly what Erickson writes about above.
The companies that build competitive advantage in the years ahead aren't going to do it by seeking to get more out of their people. They'll do it instead better meeting people's core needs — physical, emotional, mental and spiritual — so they're freed, fueled and inspired to bring more of themselves to work every day.
What the “madmen in authority” heard this time was the distant echo of a debate among academic economists begun in the 1970s about “rational” investors and “efficient” markets. This debate began against the backdrop of the oil shock and stagflation and was, in its time, a step forward in our understanding of the control of inflation. But, ultimately, it was a debate won by the side that happened to be wrong. And on those two reassuring adjectives, rational and efficient, the victorious academic economists erected an enormous scaffolding of theoretical models, regulatory prescriptions and computer simulations which allowed the practical bankers and politicians to build the towers of bad debt and bad policy. ...I am not familiar with the author of this article. Where the article stops, is in suggesting how economics could be reformed so that the internal models that build our current understanding of how resources and finances should be handled. That's okay though, this is a blog about economics, not about meaning in the face of rational nihilism via utility... an understanding of money that is nearly a priori due to its near-circularity.
Which brings us to the causes of the present crisis. The reckless property lending that triggered this crisis only occurred because rational investors assumed that the probability of a fall in house prices was near zero. Efficient markets then turned these assumptions into price-signals, which told the bankers that lending 100 per cent mortgages or operating with 50-to-1 leverage was safe. Similarly, regulators, who allowed banks to determine their own capital requirements and private rating agencies to establish the value at risk in mortgages and bonds, took it as axiomatic that markets would automatically generate the best possible information and create the right incentives for managing risks. ...
The scandal of modern economics is that these two false theories—rational expectations and the efficient market hypothesis—which are not only misleading but highly ideological, have become so dominant in academia (especially business schools), government and markets themselves.
Comment
Comment by John McCreery on September 6, 2011 at 9:48pm "We have to rethink authenticity because we might have to deal with multiple subjects."
Nice point. When X speaks for native community Y, does it matter if X is a young radical or a tribal elder? A man, a woman, a member of this or that class or cast? Whose is the authentic voice here?
I would add that the problem doesn't end with multiple subjects. We must also consider multiple situations. There are times when even the most respected authorities have reasons to retreat into vagueness, twist what they say for some ulterior purpose, or outright lie.
Authors we now revere as authorities—I think of Malinowski—were well aware of these possibilities. That is why they recommended keeping detailed notes, cross-checking assertions with multiple informants, and focusing analysis on social facts that everyone agreed on. Some, like Frederik Barth in Ritual and Knowledge among the Baktaman of New Guinea even went so far as to consider the implications that few might know what they were talking about and knowledge is frequently lost during demographic accidents.
Comment by Alexander Lee on April 12, 2011 at 8:45am This may be one of the central dilemmas of our times. If cheap and good enough is all that we want as consumers, we are the target for fast food companies, high-volume discounters and other businesses that embrace scientific management as a way to squeeze profit from their operations and, simultaneously, squeeze meaning from their workers' jobs. If we want everyone do have meaningful work and to have all trade be fair trade, are we willing to pay the price? Or, thinking bigger, can we come up with an economy that both works for seven billion people and provides meaningful work for them all?
I guess that's one of the biggest issues with socialism as I recall from elementary school. Marx's critique is well taken but conservatives come back with: Someone has to pump the gas.
Currently, of course, not everyone can live a middle-class-suburban lifestyle. We all can't have our own house, our own beach front property and do meaningful work. Someone still has to lay in the asphalt. It's possible that in the future technology provides enough infrastructure such that people can live in luxury and let robots do all the repetitive tasks. I forget where it comes from, but there was an adage that in the future, robots will do all the work but the rich will be served by people.
None the less, I don't feel that it's too early to start working to this end. It may not be possible at Macdonalds, where employees aren't paid enough to smile. But if they were well taken care of... maybe it is possible. Unlike our economic models, money still really isn't the most important part of people's lives... and as such I think there is hope. It's possible that as companies find the need to survive and distinguish themselves from one another, we will end up developing the kind of society that fosters happier people with meaningful lives. One can hope, I guess.
Comment by John McCreery on April 6, 2011 at 5:12am So this is may be a little off topic from where the discussion is going, but as a society we do not foster building a culture of meaning.
Not off topic at all. That said, perhaps an overstatement. We live in a society with two models for how to run a company. The scientific management, a.k.a., assembly-line model associated with Henry Ford and Taylorism, systematically deskills workers and thus reduces the meaning in their jobs, with the result brilliantly parodied in Charlie Chaplin's Modern Times. A recent account can be found in George Ritzer's The McDonaldization of Society, which explains its appeal to businesses that depend on maximizing efficiency, calculability, predictability and control over their workers. A central benefit is facilitating mass production of standardized products without the expense of training a skilled work force.
The alternative has many names but is frequently discussed in such publications as Fast Company and the Harvard Business Review. Its gurus include Seth Godin and Daniel Pink. The problem is that this alternative "meaningful work" or "work as play" model is largely restricted to knowledge workers and personal service providers. Wherever the task is repetitive labor, the scientific management model continues to reign supreme.
Experiments with this model have appeared in both the auto and fashion industries. Some, primarily Scandanavian, automakers have experimented with moving workers along with the cars they build, so that each car that comes off the assembly line is produced by a team that stays and works together. The Italian fashion industry is often written about as an example of a business approach that carefully nurtures craftsmanship. In both cases, however, the products are luxury items, to which craftsmanship and customization add perceived value that justifies a higher price.
This may be one of the central dilemmas of our times. If cheap and good enough is all that we want as consumers, we are the target for fast food companies, high-volume discounters and other businesses that embrace scientific management as a way to squeeze profit from their operations and, simultaneously, squeeze meaning from their workers' jobs. If we want everyone do have meaningful work and to have all trade be fair trade, are we willing to pay the price? Or, thinking bigger, can we come up with an economy that both works for seven billion people and provides meaningful work for them all?
Comment by Alexander Lee on April 5, 2011 at 1:44am I think this is a very stimulating discussion.
@John - I see what you mean by peasant now.
To supplement John and Keith's remarks about scholars and peasantry, I would venture to suggest that on the one hand, while fruit-pickers, manual laborers' work do not inherently suggest having many meaning in itself (perhaps unlike an academic) the ability to find meaning is both an aspect of the surrounding milieu and an individual's choice.
This is something that Janny moves towards. Perhaps I did define meaning narrowly. I was less interested in exploring how an individual creates meaning more for themself than how a 'social organization' ought to allow for the creation of meaning. As much as some companies would like, I don't believe we can pry meaning into a job if the individual does not find it to be meaningful or relevant. Likewise I would like to think that even if a job does not allow itself meaning in its description (such as someone who loads and unloads trucks all day) if that worker sought to make their daily interactions meaningful it would in fact be so.
So this is may be a little off topic from where the discussion is going, but as a society we do not foster building a culture of meaning. Acknowledging and hiring employees who will find what they do daily to be meaningful is important but it lacks the weight that we put on a job. I would say that most of the weight lies in how much we get paid and how important we are. Too often in a social gathering do we often judge strangers we meet (or are judged) by the perception of how much we make and how embedded we are in a group or organizational hierarchy. Perhaps I am betraying my age here, but the emphasis is on $ and stuff. This is where meaning lies for many, because it's what often seems to get people out of bed. To make that next job and take a vacation in Europe. Not on the social good. Not on others or how we exist with them. But to manage debt and credit.
For corporations, this is also the case -- if they take their planning and their fiscal modeling to generate their primary goals. Regardless, the way we value behavior has to be rooted in those fiscal models. Even non-profits have to have clear cash flow in order to survive. There is currently a rise in 'social entrepreneurship' but unless those $ models are clear and make fiscal sense, I doubt that anyone will be willing to invest in them, or help their further their goals.
To address Huon, it may be that the 'end of Western Civilization' lies in the end of money. I hope not and I don't think so. We may find our axises changing, but there's quite a ways to go before the acquisition of stuff becomes less important to us as a society. As a people, even as a poor people, we have quite an investment in our bank accounts, our homes and our continued lives. That's why I would suggest that we define our economic models around different means so as to discount something like rational choice theory and homo economicus.
But of course, that would suggest an end to the weight we put around quantification and even something like the scientific method as a social institution which relies on repeatability and 'objective' modelling.
To define our ambitions along a different epistemological axis could even mean the end of all sciences... including Anthropology. ;p
Comment by Alexander Lee on April 5, 2011 at 1:05am Janny, I am in substantial agreement with your comment which, if I read it right, is to place more emphasis on society and less on culture, on the social organization of work more than meaning as such. The contrast between the three decades after WW2, when public services and rising real incomes were a priority in the leading industrial economies, and the last three when the rich have won back control, with cutbacks in public services, reduced real incomes, harder work and greater precarity for many, can only be seen as a class struggle in which plutocracy has temporarily won, at least in the US.
But let us suppose that Alexander's point was to ask what individuals can do to improve their lot under these circumstances. Here I believe your four dimensions of working happiness are a good guide: autonomy, individual creativity and teamwork, lack of exploitation and not being ground down. That suggests to me, Don't work for a US corporation. How might these conditions be made more likely? That might lead us into networked enterprise, pluriactivity, lifetime self-education and a whole load of other topics this side of a revolution. Perhaps the key issue is tolerance for precarity which varies widely in the population. I have always tried to get a staple income from something that leaves me time for other things. Universities once provided that, but I wonder if they do now.
Your comment about toll booth operators got me wondering. I am in South Africa right now and I had plenty of opportunity to consider their lot over the weekend. Of course it is work that should be done by machines, but who is to say that a TBO's life is one of mechanical routine? Here every motorist is an opportunity for a brief chat. I found myself playing the role in my imagination, wondering is that grandmother on the back seet was alive or not and so on. But perhaps the point is that a job of any kind is valued highly here and workers with the public are unfailingly generous and warm. Where else would an airport security gaurd think it is his job to cheer up the line with jokes? There are many historical factors, the recent abolition of white supremacy, the very high levels of unemployment, the character of the African population. So that, for all the rising inequality and general frustration, poor workers have reason to believe that history is on their side in this young country which was only formed as such 100 years ago.
The last time I was in California, I thought the whole society was going through a nervous breakdown with computerized controls everywhere trying to fix a highly mobile population into the ground. If you add to that the fiscal crisis and the end of rising house prices, I think I would be depressed to live there now. These things are all relative.
Comment by John McCreery on April 1, 2011 at 4:02am Keith, your mother-in-law is a great example. Sounds a bit like my dad. His day job at the shipyard may not have been the GP treadmill she describes—as I've written elsewhere, working on big, individually designed ships for which engineers were constantly coming up with what they saw as improvements made the job very different from an assembly line process. His real love, however, was horticulture, and what we called "the home place," was filled with shrubs and flowers, strawberry and asparagus beds, and a grape arbor. We had pecan, walnut and fig trees, and the point at the head of a salt water creek on which we lived was partially surrounded on three sides by the bamboo he acquired from an experimental farm in Georgia and introduced to York County, VA. Before, near the end, he started to forget things, he knew every plant and animal on the place by scientific and common name and could run on forever about how it was responding to changes in the weather.
I do have to note, though, that neither his garden nor your mother-in-law's was their primary source of livelihood. So the rough edge that comes from constantly struggling to defend or expand the family's major asset in a densely populated landscape where others struggling to do the same thing wasn't there. I take your point about the variety of peasant life. But, seen from a different angle, Deirdre was not wrong to point to the fierce defense of the narrow field as a typical aspect of genuine peasant behavior.
It is both these aspects to which I point with my speculative model. Scholars who devote their lives to a handful of classical texts can find an infinite, albeit tightly bounded, variety within them. Those with imperial ideas can find endless ways to elaborate them (God save us from the Talcott Parsons of the world). The merchant adventurers will know less about any specific field that the peasants who cultivate them but more detail about more fields than the imperial thinker pursuing his vision. Perhaps that explains our fondness for mid-range theory.
It's a pity that Deirdre got there before me. I had a different idea with the peasant comparison which is echoed in your first comment, John. The bourgeoisie represents peasants as being stuck in the mud, conservative, addicted to a tradition that is just one thing ("subsistence farming"), limited horizons etc. John Berger In Pig Earth argues that it is the other way round: peasants live a life of great variety and innovation, while the bourgeois holes up in his monolithic world view and hangs on like grim death to what he has got.
My mother-in-law (one of them) was a GP in Lancashire. She kept a substantial smallholding with every kind of bird and animal on it. She spent all her spare time there. I asked her why and she replied that her work as a GP was monotonous and pointless: she might as well be a conveyor belt between Big Pharma and patients who need social solutions for their messed up lives not drugs. 95% of doctors would make the same prescriptions as she did when faced with a patient in need. Her part-time life as a peasant was the opposite. Every time she went outside was a different situation that she could usually fix by doing what was necessary on the spot: a lamb needed to be helped to suckle; a piece of fence had broken and had to be fixed, ditto the tractor (which meant borrowing a bit of machinery from a friend and the opportunity for interaction); she could calm down a skittish goat, spread love among the cows; plot to acquire a field from her neighbour. Helping her was almost impossible because her working terrain was so particular and customized by her as a spontaneous bricoleur to meet her animals' needs.
Although experience of academic work varies, I think one can make a case that we combine a wide range of tasks which are the opposite of otherwordly and are met by others outside the universities in a much more specialized way. We have to write and publish, organize research, learn oral performance, manage those we teach and each other, increasingly run our affairs like a business and so on. Although many of these tasks may be onerous, even unpleasant to some, it is possible to develop a varied occupational mix that includes many different things that we enjoy doing. Most jobs do not offer that variety and that was the basis of my comparison with peasants. Idealized of course.
Comment by John McCreery on March 31, 2011 at 10:20am Quick responses to Keith's first two remarks.
1. How many anthropologists do we know who aren't doing something that their parents or other authorities never expected them to do? Isn't it a bit odd, then, how much of anthropological speculation assumes that the "natives" are perfectly socialized beings who believe the oddest things and behave in outlandish ways because those are what they've been taught (or, if not taught, learned by a kind of osmosis)?
2. Some knowledge workers resemble peasants. They pick a small field in which they can learn everything there is to know and cultivate this or that new insight. Others, however, have imperial ambitions. They search for the big idea, the one that, at least for a while, appears to explain everything. A third possibility is the one I've stumbled into and adopted for myself, the knowledge worker as merchant adventurer, mentally traveling here and there, looking for ideas in one place that might be useful (even worth money!) in another.
In part my inspiration is Deirdre McCloskey's "Bourgoise Virtue" (not the book in which its been expanded) but the earlier article I read in American Scholar, when my mother-in-law was still alive and buying me a subscription. In that article, McCloskey observes that academics tend to behave like peasants or aristocrats, defending a narrow turf or being excessively sensitive to what they see as slights to their honor. Where both types agree is in their rejection of the primary bourgoise virtue, the willingness to compromise, to work out a deal where both sides get something they want. But that's a discussion for another day; here it is just a footnote on what lead me to think up the merchant adventurer alternative.
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